Major ports in India witnessed an 11 per cent growth in traffic in H1FY23, says Sarbananda Sonowal, Union Minister for Ports, Shipping and Waterways.
According to him, India’s port-led development is aimed at sweating the assets as the country targets growth via “blue economy”. Strengthening the inland waterways is another aspect that is being looked into.
In an interview with businessline, Sonowal – who was in Varanasi last week to inaugurate community jetties on National Waterways 1 (on River Ganges) that aim at easing movement of passenger and cargo vessels – talks about capacity addition across ports, status of Sagarmala projects and project financing options. Edited excerpts:
What has been the performance of major ports in H1FY23?
Performance-wise, major ports witnessed an 11 per cent growth in traffic for the first six months, to 384.3 million tonnes versus 346.7 million tonnes, in the same period last fiscal.
PM Gati Shakti envisages seamless connectivity. What is the on-ground impact?
PM Gati Shakti is a game changer to enable the multi-modal infrastructure & transport. The roadways, railways, power, telecommunication, ports, shipping & waterways and other ministries are working as a team with the older concept of working in silos being put to rest.
Thirteen out of 101 projects – 57 for major ports and 44 are from States – were identified under PM Gati Shakti initiative (worth ₹4,423 crore) have so far been completed.
Some of these were addition of 1.5 lakh sq metre storage area at Haldia port (leading to an increase of storage capacity by 60 per cent) ; and mechanisation of berth at New Mangalore Port (increase in terminal capacity and improvement of dwell time of container traffic). Extension of existing container terminal at Visakhapatnam Port, and improvement of turnaround time from 1.27 days to 1.06 days and dwell time improvement to 4.2 days from 5 days have also happened. The development of 277 hectares of economic and industrial zones on port owned land; improvement of oil handling at Haldia Dock Complex by setting up of liquid cargo terminal (increasing handling by 2 MMTPA); construction of container terminals, better cruise terminal facilities, are other visible benefits.
Improvement of immigration office and deepening of cruise berth for facilitating bigger size vessel at Mopa (Goa) and reduction of time for issuance of e-landing cards from 5 minutes to 2 minutes have also happened.
Around 20 projects are expected to be completed by March 2023.
Gati Shakti was also about ensuring better connectivity through waterways to facilitate RO-pax services, water taxies and such daily use commuter services. Has India warmed up to such concepts?
A concerted effort is being made to revamp the inland waterways system of India. Given our inter-river system, there is a huge potential to unlock efficient, cost effective and sustainable mode of transportation through the inland waterways transportation system using RORO services.
Buoyed by (positive) response from the people, we enhanced RORO services with seven projects being completed under the Sagarmala programme enabling RORO /ROPAX ferry services at 3 locations – between Mumbai Ferry Wharf and Mandwa in Maharashtra; Gogha and Dahej (in Gujarat) and Ghogha and Hazira in Gulf of Cambay.
Construction of four more RORO terminals – at Bhayander, Malvan, Belapur and Narangi in Maharashtra have also been completed.
There are 73 projects related to development of RoPax and passenger jetties identified under Sagarmala Programme that are in various stages of implementation. Of these, 10 projects have been completed, and 14 projects are under implementation.
The Ministry, under Sagarmala, extended financial assistance to 45 RoPax and passenger jetty projects with funds sanctioned being ₹ 816 crore. Of this, ₹327 crore have been released.
What about the other Sagarmala projects?
Total 802 projects at an estimated cost of ₹5.41 lakh-crore are to be developed by 2035. Of these, 217 projects worth ₹1.12 lakh-crore have been completed and 225 projects worth ₹2.17 lakh-crore are under implementation. Another 360 projects worth ₹2.12 lakh-crore are currently under various stages of development. These projects are being implemented by relevant central ministries, State governments, major ports, and other agencies primarily through the private or PPP mode.
Beyond PPPs (public private partnerships), are there other financing options being looked at?
PPP is considered as an effective mode for attracting investment and enhancing operational efficiencies in the port sector. Until now 86 projects at major ports worth ₹55,000 crore was granted approval. To achieve large-scale investment target through PPP, PM Narendra Modi introduced Asset Monetization scheme and a series of projects are being lined up.
The ministry identified a pipeline of 81 PPP projects worth ₹42,300 crore till 2024-25 for developing berths and terminals across the major ports. Apart from this, the internal resources of the ports are also being used for financing the projects.
A lot of the push is towards privatisation of terminals and becoming landlord ports. JNPA is first such port. Is there a timeline for the rest?
Jawaharlal Nehru Port is the first major port to become 100 per cent landlord port having all berths being operated on PPP model. We are speedily moving towards landlord model of port operations and you can expect similar transformational changes like JNPA in other major ports also in the near future.
Kalrock Capital, part of Jalan-Kalrock consortium, which had bid to acquire Jet Airways, has said that the investigations initiated by regulatory agencies in Liechtenstein, Switzerland, and Austria against its promoter Florian Fritsch will not have any impact on the deal between Kalrock and Jet Airways.
“Florian confirms that neither Kalrock Capital Partners nor Jet Airways have any connection with the ongoing investigations, or the charges made thereunder, and these investigations have no impact on the acquisition of Jet Airways, and Jalan-Kalrock Consortium remains committed towards Jet Airways,” a statement said on Monday.
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Jet Airways revival
Jet was grounded from April 2019 over unpaid dues to the tune of ₹8,000 crore. Over 18 months ago, the Mumbai Bench of the National Company Law Tribunal (NCLT) approved the resolution plan submitted by Kalrock Capital and UAE-based entrepreneur Murarilal Jalan for the revival of Jet Airways.
Bloomberg had last week reported that multiple properties linked to Fritsch were raided by prosecutors in a criminal investigation.
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The statement on Monday added that the investigation, which is ongoing, has been initiated based on anonymous complaints filed in relation to certain businesses where Florian is one of the financial investors in his personal capacity. “The disputes are commercial in nature. Florian has already filed complaints with the concerned High Court regarding these disputes and complaints, which are also being investigated,” it said.
Jet had plans to restart operations almost six months ago. However, the plans have been getting delayed for the past several months. With the new issues in sight, the revival of Jet in November too looks bleak.
As per the revival plan, the consortium proposed a total infusion of ₹1,375 crore. This includes ₹900 crore towards capex and working capital and ₹475 crore to settle claims of all creditors. However, that investment too, hasn’t come in yet.
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Foreign ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian told a regular press briefing Xi will meet US President Joe Biden and French counterpart Emmanuel Macron next week in Bali, as well as Senegal’s Macky Sall and Argentina’s Alberto Fernandez.
AFP
November 11, 2022 / 02:30 PM IST
Xi Jinping
President Xi Jinping will attend the G20 summit in Indonesia from November 14 to 17, China’s foreign ministry confirmed on Friday.
He will then travel to Thailand from November 17 to 19 to attend the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit.
Foreign ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian told a regular press briefing Xi will meet US President Joe Biden and French counterpart Emmanuel Macron next week in Bali, as well as Senegal’s Macky Sall and Argentina’s Alberto Fernandez.
The White House has already confirmed Biden and Xi will meet on November 14 on the sidelines of the G20 summit, in their first in-person talks since the US leader became president.
The two met prior to Biden taking office and have spoken by phone a number of times over the past 22 months, but the Covid-19 pandemic and Xi’s aversion to foreign travel has prevented them from meeting in person.
Their meeting during the G20 comes after Xi last month was awarded a landmark third term as leader of the Chinese Communist Party.
The US and China have a massive investment and trade relationship but are also challenging each other’s military and diplomatic influence, especially in the Asia-Pacific region.
Bridgestone has invested $100 million into farming a desert-dwelling herb to replace the rubber tree for rubber production.
Guayule (Why-OO-lee) produces rubber as a form of protection, and owing to its Chihuahuan Desert heritage, doesn’t need any irrigation.
Guayule comes from the Asteraceae family, which includes species like chamomile, daisy, asters, marigold, and chicory. It was used by the Mesoamerican civilizations as a kind of rubber, which is the same reason that Tempe Farming, which usually grows cotton or alfalfa, is covering 25,000 acres of its farmland with this plant.
Haveas, the tropical rubber tree, is expensive, climate intensive, and risky to farm. They are vulnerable to pests and disease, and labor intensive to cultivate and harvest.
Most passenger cars for this reason use 90% synthetic material for tires, and only 10% natural rubber. However there are still some products made entirely of natural rubber—large truck tires for example.
Parthenium argentatum or Guayule
Bridgestone R&D have spent years breeding a lineage of Guayule that produces exceptional amounts of its rubber, and it wants to scale up production as fast as possible, not only for economic and climate reasons, but because Guayule rubber tires perform better than haveas rubber.
In a recent test, Bridgestone rolled out a racing tire with a sidewall of Guayule rubber for an Indycar race.
“We use racing as a testbed,” Nizar Trigui, chief technology officer at Bridgestone Americas, told Fast Company. “In a very demanding application, like open wheel racing in IndyCar, we have shown that it actually gives us similar or better performance.”
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“The introduction of guayule natural rubber to America’s preeminent open-wheel racing series speaks to the confidence we have in the technology and its potential as a scalable, sustainable and domestic source of natural rubber—a vital raw material.”
To date, Bridgestone has invested over $100 million into Guayule cultivation, and the recent $42 million will go to building a biorefinery to process the plants and turn them into rubber for the company’s tires.
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Rubber trees are not grown here at home, but as long as there are plants growing in Arizona, the effects of recurring droughts being experienced across the American West could be dampened if more desert-dwelling species that don’t need to be irrigated could be utilized. In this regard Guayule will free up the irrigation resources for 25,000 acres, offering water sources a welcome relief.
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A small group of fishermen ply the shallow coastal water along Pooneryn in northern Sri Lanka, an impoverished, remote area within striking distance of India’s southern tip. It’s where Gautam Adani — the Indian billionaire who is Asia’s richest man and has vaulted ahead of Jeff Bezos this year — plans to build renewable power plants, thrusting him into the heart of an international political clash.
With Sri Lanka in the throes of its worst economic crisis since its independence from Britain in 1948, India is reengaging and attempting to tilt the balance in a strategic tussle with China on the island, a pivotal battleground because it lies on key global shipping lanes and plays into New Delhi’s fear of encirclement from its Asian rival. At the forefront of those efforts is Adani, who is a long-time supporter of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and has been accused by some Sri Lankan lawmakers of signing opaque port and energy deals closely tied to New Delhi’s interests, something his group has always denied, saying the investments meet Sri Lanka’s needs.
Sitting atop a $137 billion wealth pile, Adani controls a sprawling empire that spans ports, coal plants, power generation and distribution. While he derives the vast majority of his fortune from India, Adani has gradually made more overseas deals and told shareholders in July that he seeks a “broader expansion” beyond India’s borders with “several” foreign governments approaching his conglomerate to develop their infrastructure.
Those moves and Adani’s perceived closeness to Modi’s administration have spurred suggestions the tycoon could be the cash cow for India’s pushback against China, whose Belt and Road infrastructure drive is intended to increase Beijing’s influence in strategic countries and on the global stage.
“In countries that the Indian government has better relations than the Chinese government, Adani could find success,” said Akhil Ramesh, a resident fellow at the Pacific Forum research institute in Honolulu. While India lacks the financial firepower of its neighbor, Adani’s investments in countries such as Israel and Sri Lanka compete with Chinese state-owned firms.
And it’s in Sri Lanka where that tension is playing out most acutely. Adani’s investments there were described to Bloomberg News by multiple Indian and Sri Lankan officials as advancing the Modi administration’s objectives on the tear-drop shaped island, in much the same way that his businesses in ports, power and cement coincide with the government’s economic priorities at home. Adani has repeatedly denied that his firms receive special treatment from Modi’s government.
Privileged to meet President @GotabayaR and PM @PresRajapaksa. In addition to developing Colombo Port’s Western Container Terminal, the Adani Group will explore other infrastructure partnerships. India’s strong bonds with Sri Lanka are anchored to centuries’ old historic ties. pic.twitter.com/noq8A1aLAv
In October last year, Adani emphasized the “strong bonds” between the two nations when he met with then Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, just months after inking a $750 million Colombo port deal. It was a rare example of Indian infrastructure investment in Sri Lanka, after Colombo in previous years pivoted to Beijing — which has funded everything from highways to ports through Belt and Road — and splurged on debt-fueled projects.
Soon after that meeting, a team from Adani Group — which is targeting a $70 billion move toward green energy — toured Sri Lanka’s north. The region has been starved of investment since the end of the country’s 26-year civil war in 2009. The visit seemed a turning point, as not long after the Rajapaksa administration terminated Chinese solar projects on islands in the Palk Strait between India and Sri Lanka because of security concerns from New Delhi, according to multiple people with direct knowledge of the matter. China’s embassy in Colombo later confirmed the end of the solar projects on social media.
In early 2022, Adani quietly signed memorandums of understanding to build 500 megawatts of renewable energy projects in Pooneryn and Mannar, other northern districts close to India, according to local media reports confirmed months later by a tweet from Sri Lanka’s power minister, Kanchana Wijesekera.
India “is worried about Chinese access to the Indian Ocean, and being encircled by Chinese friendly regimes in Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh,” said Katharine Adeney, a professor and expert on South Asian politics at the University of Nottingham. Adani’s supplanting of China’s solar power projects represents “a strategic move and one that we are likely to see more of,” she said.
Spokespeople for Adani Group and India’s foreign ministry declined to comment. China’s ambassador in Colombo and a representative for Sri Lanka’s president didn’t respond to requests for comment. Power Minister Wijesekera also didn’t respond to messages from Bloomberg.
The Indian billionaire has even started to publicly criticize China, saying in September at a conference in Singapore, that China was “increasingly isolated” with Belt and Road facing “resistance.”
Even so, Adani’s global ambitions face challenges. As the billionaire boosted his influence in Sri Lanka, local media and opposition politicians have claimed that his companies have skirted due process. Soon after Sri Lankan media reported that Adani signed the northern power agreements in March, Ajith Perera, the chief executive of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya — the country’s largest opposition party — protested what he called Adani’s “back door” entry into the country’s energy industry. Perera said on Facebook that Rajapaksa’s administration was “pampering” Modi’s “notorious friends.”
“It must be transparent and it must be bidded out,” Eran Wickramaratne, a prominent SJB lawmaker, said in interviews with Bloomberg News, adding that parliament hasn’t been allowed to scrutinize the contracts. “The color of the investment doesn’t matter to us — but investment must be transparent, it must be an equal playing field,” he said, adding “we can’t fault the foreign investor, we have to fault our own government and our system.”
A spokesperson for Rajapaksa didn’t respond to a request for comment. In a statement on the protests to the Press Trust of India news service, the Adani Group said its intent in investing in Sri Lanka “is to address the needs of a valued neighbour. As a responsible corporate, we see this as a necessary part of the partnership that our two nations have always shared.”
In June, the Ceylon Electricity Board Engineer’s Union threatened to strike over legislation that removed public competition from the allocation of wind and solar projects, pointing specifically at Adani’s plans in northern Sri Lanka.
Later that month, the chairman of the state-run utility told a parliamentary committee that Modi’s government had pressured Sri Lanka to accept Adani’s energy proposals. He resigned days later, claiming he was “emotional” when making the statement, and after Rajapaksa “categorically” denied the allegations. A spokesperson for the CEB didn’t respond to a request for comment. “We are clearly disappointed by the detraction that seems to have come about,” the Adani Group said at the time, according to a report by Indian television channel NDTV. “The fact is that the issue has already been addressed by and within the Sri Lankan Government.”
Protests ensued in Colombo. The crowds held signs reading “Stop Adani” and “Modi Don’t Exploit Our Crisis.”
Adani, like Prime Minister Modi, hails from the Western Indian state of Gujarat. He built his fortune over the past decade partly by focusing on business areas that were central to Modi’s national priorities. In 2002, months after Modi became chief minister of Gujarat, more than 1,000 people, most of them Muslims, were killed in the state in one of India’s worst periods of sectarian rioting. Modi, a Hindu nationalist was accused by human rights groups of doing little to stop the violence, allegations he has denied and were subsequently dismissed by the nation’s Supreme Court.
Adani, whose businesses had yet to expand across the breadth of India, was among local Gujarati businessmen who helped create a biannual investment summit in the state that gave Modi a platform to promote his pro-business image. Adani’s fortune has grown exponentially since Modi was elected prime minister in 2014.
In recent years, China’s Belt and Road Initiative has funneled billions of dollars into South Asia, but Sri Lanka’s grinding economic crisis, coupled with food, fuel, medical and power shortages, presented India with a window to push its influence with its smaller, strategic neighbor. New Delhi has sent Sri Lanka $4 billion of aid and credit lines this year as it also attempts to both stem a humanitarian catastrophe on its doorstep and further its geopolitical objectives.
Rajapaksa fled the country in July, handing the reins to Ranil Wickremesinghe following a bout of violent unrest. Since then, Wickremesignhe has sought to dial back anti-Chinese sentiment as his administration initiates debt restructuring talks with both Beijing and New Delhi.
“Ranil’s very much a pragmatic leader in that he realizes every international actor is needed at this moment, he’s not going to take sides,” said Bhavani Fonseka, a senior researcher and lawyer at the Colombo-based Centre for Policy Alternatives. At the same time, Adani’s renewable moves “didn’t get the attention it should have” amid Sri Lanka’s wider unrest and now there’s relative calm there might be an opportunity for reexamination, she said.
For Modi, securing a foothold in Colombo’s new port is seen as particularly important, with China constructing the adjacent Colombo Port City, a Dubai-like financial hub, and operating the Colombo International Container Terminals Ltd.
While India and Adani saw a setback in Sri Lanka when a deal to develop the East Container Terminal at the new port was canned by Rajapaksa after pushback from unions, the billionaire scored a win last year.
New deals were struck and Adani Ports and Special Economic Zone Ltd. was awarded the right to develop, build and operate the West Container Terminal, holding a 51% stake in a joint venture with local conglomerate John Keells Holdings Plc. In a rare insight into the linkages between Adani and Modi, at a cabinet meeting in March last year, Sri Lankan ministers said New Delhi had nominated Adani for the project, a claim that later that month an Indian foreign ministry spokesperson said was “factually incorrect.”
The project also wasn’t publicly tendered. India would have found it difficult to outbid China in an open process, people with direct knowledge of the deal said. As it was, in November, the China Harbour Engineering Co. Ltd. was also selected by Sri Lanka’s government to help construct the East Container Terminal.
India likely has a vested interest in having one of its own companies build a port terminal close to China’s own port project, said Samantha Custer, director of policy analysis at AidData, a research unit at William & Mary University in Virginia. Indian companies are often disadvantaged due to Beijing tying project finance to implementation by state-subsidized Chinese firms, she said.
“One of the motivations for moving forward is geostrategic in order for a politically connected Indian company to be willing to accept delayed or uncertain economic returns,” said Custer. “That said, an uncertain economic return on investment is not the same thing as no return on investment, and the Adani Group likely recognizes that this is a long-term play with a high risk and high reward proposition.”
Leading truck and bus maker Ashok Leyland has introduced a new platform and a few models in the ICV segment (intermediate commercial vehicle segment), in which the company is attempting to grow its presence and share.
Under the ICV platform – Partner Super- the company has introduced 914, 1014, and 1114 trucks in the 9-11.3 tonne GVW (gross vehicle category) range.
ICV segment reportedly accounts for about 35 per cent of the industry volumes.
After a setback last year, Ashok Leyland managed to come out with new products in the segment in Q4 of the previous fiscal. After the new launches, the company has seen market share increase in the ICV segment.
The newly launched platform Partner Super is designed with a contemporary tilt-able day cabin to provide superior driver comfort and has the best-in-class payload capacity, according to a statement.
Growing demand
“In an endeavour to expand our product offerings in the ICV segment to strengthen the portfolio, and meet the ever-growing demands of the customers, we have introduced Partner Super. We wish to keep this momentum on to realise our vision of being amongst the top 10 CV players globally by offering differentiated products,” said Sanjeev Kumar, Head- M&HCV, Ashok Leyland
With better fuel efficiency, Partner Super will address customer needs in rated load applications like e-commerce, beverage, FMCG, whitegoods, parcel, fruits, etc. It is agile and ensures better maneuverability in narrow/ congested roads, the company said.
L Ganesh, Chairman of Rane Group, was conferred with Japan’s prestigious Deming Award in recognition of his outstanding contribution to the dissemination and promotion (overseas) of total quality management (TQM).
Ganesh is the third Indian and the fifth globally to be bestowed with this award, said a statement.
“The Rane Group embarked on the TQM journey in 2000 under the leadership of L Lakshman who was the then Chairman. Commencing from 2003, five of our Rane companies won the Deming prize and three of our group companies went on to win Deming grand prize,” said Ganesh.
He said the benefits to the Rane companies have been significant. “We have also tried to disseminate TQM practices to our suppliers and shared this knowledge through many forums and to other corporates in India,” he added.
Established in 1951, the award was instituted to pay tribute to W Edwards Deming, who made a significant contribution to the spread of statistical quality control in Japan, following World War II. The Deming Prize is an annual award presented to organisations and individuals that have implemented TQM catering to its management philosophy, scope, the scale of business, type, and management environment. The winner receives the Deming medal with an accompanying certificate of merit from the Deming prize committee.
Indian Oil Corporation, in association with businessline, will organise the BL Campus connect lectures series across the top 7 colleges in four States of North India — Chandigarh, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh and Jammu.
The first of the seven lecture series will be held at the Seminar Hall of Panjab University in Chandigarh on November 16. The first lecture will be on the ‘Opportunities and Challenges with Respect to E-Vehicles’. Speakers for the event are: Akshay Sangwan, Director of Sonalika Tractors; and Ashok Mehta, Managing Director of Emmbros Automotives Pvt Ltd.
Also present on the occasion would be Manjeet Walia, IOCL Chandigarh Divisional Head; and Prof Manu Sharma, Honorary Director of the Centre for Industry Institute Partnership Programme (CIIPP), Panjab University.
Students of different engineering streams of the university will also participate in the event.
Domino’s are now delivering their pizzas in boxes on which are printed specific recycling instructions for the customer’s area.
Believe it or not, literally billions of corrugated cardboard pizza boxes have gone unrecycled because both consumers and recycling companies believed that the leftover grease, sauce, and cheese might gum up the recycling machinery, or weaken the bonds of the recycled paper material.
So great was the confusion that the company that makes Domino’s pizza boxes, West Rock, commissioned a study to see if boxes made up of 20% pizza grease by weight would somehow harm the recycling process.
No difference in machine function or chemical bondage of recycling paper material was observed, despite the fact that they used an unrealistically greasy box—even the greasiest pizzas can only manage to alter 2% of total box weight.
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With that cleared up, Domino’s is now printing everything someone needs to know to recycle their pizza box right onto the box, including tidbits like “Grease DOES NOT Impact the Recyclability!” and “70% of Americans have access to pizza box recycling.”
For those that don’t have curbside pickup paper recycling, a QR code on the box will direct the consumer to infrastructure nearest to them that will take the pizza boxes.
“Arming our consumers with this knowledge and encouraging them to be part of our stewardship journey also makes them feel good about enjoying their pizza,” Fredric Lund, SVP of global development and sustainability at Domino’s, told Fast Company.
Going the extra mile, Domino’s recycling website includes details on how to get in contact with recycling facilities to ask whether or not they accept boxes, as only 27% of companies in the U.S. explicitly mention they accept pizza boxes. Many more take them all the same, but don’t say it out loud.
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It’s a great example of a company going way out of their lane to help ensure sustainability of their product, which is already made from recycled material.
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Toyota Kirloskar Motor on Friday said it has phased out Urban Cruiser compact sports utility vehicle (SUV) from its product portfolio in the country.
The automaker introduced the model, a rebadged Maruti Vitara Brezza, in September 2020 and it has registered cumulative wholesales of over 65,000 units till date.
In a statement, the company said that in order to further enhance customers’ mobility experience, its product strategy is focused on bringing in models based on the feedback from customers.
The company continuously studies the market to understand the changing customer preferences and focus on delivering them ever-better cars with enhanced and sustainable technologies, it added.
“In alignment to this philosophy, we have decided to phase out the Toyota Urban Cruiser, firmly believing that our existing strong and sustainable product line-up in India will help us cater to the demand in the market,” Toyota Kirloskar Motor (TKM) stated.
Having registered cumulative wholesales of over 65,000 units, Urban Cruiser played a significant role in catering to first-time Toyota buyers, especially in Tier II & III markets, thus boosting TKM’s efforts of reaching out to new set of customers, it said.
In March 2018, Toyota Motor Corp and Suzuki Motor Corp concluded an agreement for supplying hybrid and other vehicles to each other in the Indian market.
As part of the arrangement, TKM sources Baleno and Brezza from Maruti Suzuki India and sells it as Glanza and Urban Cruiser after making certain changes in design and features.
Parthenium argentatum or Guayule 
